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Synopsis

Rainwater harvesting, a "soft path" approach toward water management, is increasingly recognized as a key strategy toward ensuring food security and alleviating problems of water scarcity. Interestingly this "modern" approach has been in use for millennia in numerous older civilizations. This article uses India as a case study to explore the social, economic, and environmental dimensions of agricultural rainwater harvesting ponds, and evaluates the viability of these centuries-old systems under current climate and population pressures. A holistic watershed-scale approach that accounts for trade-offs in water availability and socioeconomic wellbeing is recommended for assessing the sustainability of these systems.

1 Introduction

Lack of consistent water availability for irrigated agriculture is now recognized as one of the primary constraints to meeting UN Millennium Development Goals to alleviate hunger, and multiple studies indicate that by 2025 all countries will face some form of water stress. (1, 2) Water shortages promise to become more acute as population pressures increase, with current projections indicating a 21% increase in global water consumption for grain production by 2050. (3, 4) Particularly in semiarid landscapes with high seasonal rainfall variability, significant correlations have been found between a lack of surface water storage, reduced food security and poor economic development. (5-7)

To meet the demand for seasonal water storage, village-level rainwater harvesting (RWH) systems have been in use in India for millennia. In the agricultural areas of South India, where we focus our study, these structures have commonly taken the form of large (20–40 ha) earthen impoundments, referred to as "tanks," that can collect water during the monsoon season, making surface water stores available to farmers for irrigation. Although the use of RWH systems began to decline in India with the building of large-scale irrigation structures under British colonial rule and with the groundwater pumping boom of the 20th century, (8) it is currently experiencing a revival. Organizations ranging from small nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to the World Bank are now heavily investing in the renovation of these small-scale water-storage structures in the pursuit of increased water availability and more sustainable livelihoods. (9, 10) RWH in India is estimated to have the potential to add as much as 125 km3/year to the current water supply, making it central to many plans to meet the country's projected midcentury water shortfall of over 300 km3/year. (11) Indeed, in 2005 India revealed its Groundwater Recharge Master Plan, which called for the renovation or new construction of a variety of RWH structures, including the village tanks of South India, at a cost of approximately $6 billion. (12)

Many researchers and development professionals now suggest that small-scale water solutions are the most cost-effective, efficient, and environmentally neutral means of meeting demand in water-stressed regions. (13-15) These solutions fall under the rubric of the "soft path" approach to water management, in which existing large-scale projects are complemented by small-scale, decentralized solutions. (16) Initiatives including such soft-path approaches extend beyond India, with the revival of traditional RWH systems from China to the Middle East, (17, 18) and the transfer of RWH technologies to water-stressed areas such as Sub-Saharan Africa with no long-term history of RWH. (19) Numerous international forums have identified RWH as an integral component in interventions necessary to meet Millennium Development Goals, (20) and there has been widespread adoption of RWH systems for supplemental irrigation in semiarid areas of Kenya, Ethiopia, and Ghana, to name only a few. (19, 21) Even in the U.S. there has been growing interest in the use of RWH for a range of purposes, from reducing stormwater runoff and preventing watershed pollution, (22) to augmenting water supply during drought years. (23)

Although stories abound in India of successful renovations of RWH ponds, with whole villages reportedly being revitalized after years of extreme water stress, the extent to which this centuries-old technology can fundamentally address problems of water scarcity has been called into question. (9) The assumption of those funding the renovation seems to be that social and economic benefits will accrue at the village scale as overall water availability increases. (24) But can RWH truly increase water availability at the basin scale? In the face of climate change and population pressures, does utilization of these ancient technologies represent the best path toward solving problems of water scarcity?

Our objective herein is to explore the extent to which ancient RWH practices are applicable in the context of modern socioeconomic and environmental pressures. We use the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu, with its long history of RWH, as an example to address broader issues regarding the sustainability of RWH practices, not just in rapidly developing India, but also in other water-scarce areas of the world. In particular, we explore the ways in which RWH may impact basin-level water stores and fluxes, and how these impacts may contribute to shaping the socioeconomic landscape within a closely coupled human and natural system.

2 South India's RWH Systems: Structure and Function

The RWH "tanks" of South India are formed via the construction of earthen banks, or bunds, across natural depressions in the landscape to impound surface runoff (Figures 1 and 2). During monsoon rains, runoff from the tank catchment area inundates the tank bed. Sluices are constructed in the tank bund, each with a shutter that can be controlled to manage the outflow of water from the tank into irrigation channels (Figure 1a) that route water to downstream agricultural fields (Figure 1b), where wells may also be present to supplement tank irrigation (Figure 1c, d). Tanks are often linked in cascades (Figure 1g, Figure 2), with overflow from upstream tanks spilling over into surplus channels leading to downstream tanks or nearby waterways. The tank cascades, which can encompass anywhere from several to more than a hundred tanks, create a hydrological network across the landscape, providing points of connection not just between individual tanks, but also small farm ponds, wells, and rivers.

Figure 1

Figure 1. Components of rainwater harvesting systems in Tamil Nadu: (A) tank sluice at low water levels; (B) irrigated fields in tank command area; (C) open well in tank command area with electric pump set; (D) community well next to large tank at high water levels; (E) statues of Hindu deities on tank bund, protecting the tank; (F) goats grazing near dead storage area of tank; (H) tank systems, as seen via the remote sensing image, are ubiquitous throughout the state.

Figure 2

Figure 2. Major elements of a typical tank irrigation system are shown, note the horseshoe shape of the bund and the water pooling behind it.

The tank irrigation systems of Tamil Nadu support an agricultural area covering 61% of the state, (25) and allow for the growth of subsistence crops like rice, as well as market crops such as maize, sugar cane, and chili peppers. The functionality of the tanks, however, is considered to extend well beyond that of a water source for agriculture. They are essentially human-built ecosystems, providing economic, socio-cultural, and ecological services to their communities. Ecologically, these tank systems make up an extensive, interconnected web of manmade wetlands providing a broad range of ecosystem services, including flood control, nutrient and waste removal, provision of avian habitat, and increased biodiversity of flora and fauna. In Tamil Nadu alone, there are more than 39 000 tanks supporting wetland biodiversity and adding significantly to the country's wetland wealth. (26) Tanks also enhance groundwater recharge and increase stream baseflow, (27) helping to revive rivers that have been depleted by large-scale diversions for canal irrigation and other uses.

Historically, tanks were central to settlement patterns in South India: settlements grew up around temples, and over time temples and tanks became nearly inseparable. (28) In villages, temples are often built directly into tank bunds, with statues of the deities positioned nearby to protect the tanks from harm (Figure 1e). The tanks also provide social gathering places (29) and in many cases are considered sacred spaces, with traditional rituals such as Hindu weddings and burial ceremonies taking place there. (30) In daily village life, tanks continue to have multiple uses, providing water for drinking and the laundering of clothes, a grazing area for livestock (Figure 1f), trees for fuel wood, and silt to be used as a fertilizer. (31, 32) The varied uses of the tanks serve to strengthen the economic base of surrounding communities, (33) with per capita incomes in some areas increasing more than 50% after tank rehabilitation projects. (34) Conversely, tank decline has been found to result in reduced incomes, with these reductions being borne disproportionately by marginalized members of the community. (35)

3 Living Legacies: History and Current State of Rainwater Harvesting Systems in Tamil Nadu

The ancient RWH structures of South India have persisted, essentially unmodified, into the present day, making them living legacies of early farmers' triumphs over the harsh, semiarid environment. Evidence of tank irrigation in Tamil Nadu dates back to the Sangam period of 150 BC to 200 AD, (36) and by the early medieval period (750–1300), tank irrigation was thriving throughout the region. Archaeological and historical records indicate a correlation between periods of prolonged drought and developments in RWH practices. (37) For example, after a period of many severe monsoon failures from AD 505–550 was written the Brihat Samhita, an encyclopedic work providing extensive advice regarding the construction of tanks.

The historic reliance on tank irrigation systems in Tamil Nadu began to wane during India's colonial era (1757–1947), and then declined even further in the late 1960s with the advent of the Green Revolution. (38) The British focused on large-scale irrigation projects such as the construction of large dams and canal networks, often at the expense of village-based tank systems. (8) The Green Revolution, accompanied by the increased availability of diesel and electric pumpset technology and rural electrification, (33, 39) led to dramatic increases in the number of irrigation wells in Tamil Nadu, from an estimated 50 000 in 1905 to a documented 229 394 in 1971. (40) The increased access to irrigation water has been a boon to economic development and agricultural productivity in India, with yields 1.2–3 times greater in areas irrigated by groundwater. (41) However, increased groundwater use has also led to alarming levels of groundwater depletion (Figure 3a). (42, 43) In Tamil Nadu, recent estimates by the government Central Ground Water Board suggest that more than a third of Tamil Nadu's groundwater resources are overexploited, (44) with the annual groundwater draft exceeding the mean annual recharge (Figure 3b). Of the estimated 1.8 million groundwater wells in Tamil Nadu, approximately 12% are dried up or abandoned due to overexploitation, and in some areas well failure rates are greater than 40%. (45, 46)

Figure 3

Figure 3. Groundwater withdrawals are shown as a percentage of recharge (a) across India (based on state-level estimates from the Indian Ministry of Water Resources) (43) and (b) in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu (based on (district-level estimates from the Tamil Nadu Central Ground Water Board). (44) Figure 1 (c) shows the percentages of land irrigated by tanks and wells in relation to the total irrigated area, (3, 4) with canals and rivers accounting as additional irrigation sources. Note that the high levels of depletion within the state are a result of the expansion of well irrigation, at the expense of traditional tank systems over the last 50 years.

In response to these changes, the area irrigated by tanks has continued to decline, from an estimated 900 000 ha down to 500 000 ha (Figure 3c) over the last 40 years. (47) The increased reliance on groundwater has led to a frequent neglect of traditional water governance organizations, and thus to declines in tank maintenance. Many tanks have succumbed to structural failures and the encroachment of fields into tank beds, (33) leading to even less community-level investment in the tank systems and an overall devaluing of the commons resource. The decline in tank irrigation paired with virtually uncontrolled groundwater depletion has led to a complex series of negative environmental and socio-economic feedbacks, particularly for poor and marginal farmers, for whom loss of groundwater resources has been directly correlated to a loss in food security. (42, 48) While wealthier farmers may be able to afford the costs associated with ever-deeper wells, the poorest farmers, without access to groundwater and with decreasing availability of tank irrigation water, may be unable to grow rice, the region's water-thirsty staple food crop. As a result, many may be forced to leave their land fallow and migrate to nearby urban centers, leaving the sustainability of the village in doubt. (49) With short-term migration being a common adaptive response to water scarcity, long-term shifts in water availability due to groundwater depletion can lead to a decline in economic prospects and growing social instability at a regional scale. (50)

4 Rainwater Harvesting and the Water Portrait

In the 12th century, King Parakramabahu of Sri Lanka, who oversaw the building of a massive network of rainwater harvesting reservoirs, famously proclaimed "Let no drop of water flow to the sea unused by man." (51) Such a strategy seems to parallel the intensive RWH programs currently being developed within India. The question remains, however, as to whether this approach indeed provides a sustainable alternative in the modern world. To answer this question it is necessary to understand how RWH alters the water portrait (stores and fluxes) within a basin, and how the water portrait shapes the social landscape. An obvious but perhaps overlooked fact of RWH is that it does not increase the overall water availability within a basin, as sometimes touted, but merely alters the distribution of water between upstream and downstream users, and between socioeconomic and environmental demands. The result is a trade-off of water availability, and any proper evaluation of a RWH system requires understanding, quantifying, and prioritizing these multiple uses based on local and regional needs.

Fundamentally, any such evaluation must first consider the central trade-off between maintaining environmental water flows and harnessing these flows for human use. Recent work has framed this consideration of environmental flows in terms of what are referred to as the ecological limits of hydrologic alteration (ELOHA). (52) Establishing the boundaries of such ecological limits is essential to establishing ecologically based regional flow standards. In India, with its semiarid climate and intensive use of water, rivers are in many areas dry in most years, (9, 53) and estuaries and mangrove wetlands along the coasts are becoming increasingly saline due to reduced freshwater inflows. (54) Ideally, water management plans, including those involving RWH, should be designed to ensure that environmental flows to estuaries are maintained even in the driest years, and that only "excess" water is allocated for irrigation use.

Next, the "excess" water must be allocated within a watershed, taking into account the many different trade-offs. Studies indicate that increases in the number of RWH systems leads to decreases in water availability in downstream reservoirs, and a consequent increase in upstream-downstream conflicts, especially in the drier years. (19) Furthermore, in semiarid landscapes like South India, the high surface area-to volume ratio of the RWH tanks can lead to large evaporative losses, creating a pathway for net water depletion from the basin. (55) Although environmental benefits can accrue from increased recharge, which increases groundwater levels and potentially sustains baseflows in streams over longer periods, (52) whether or not recharge is a substantial benefit of the tanks is a function of the soil on which the tanks are constructed. RWH tanks constructed on clayey soils have been judged to be nearly 100% inefficient with regard to groundwater recharge, causing them to act simply as evaporation pans. (56, 57) Modeling studies suggest that the benefits of additional RWH structures at the watershed scale may be minimal, (55, 56) with one recent study predicting that increasing the number of RWH structures would decrease runoff within the basin by 60%, while increasing groundwater recharge by only 5%. (58) This shift in the water balance appeared to be primarily due to the increase in evapotranspiration caused by increased irrigation and changes in land use.

Notwithstanding these factors, decentralized solutions like rainwater harvesting do have benefits over traditional irrigation systems. First, rainwater is used at the location where it falls on the land, and thus the transmission losses associated with extensive canal network systems are minimized. Second, RWH systems use rainwater, which has faster time scales of replenishment than groundwater, and thus can be considered to be a more sustainable source. Furthermore, water stored in a RWH tank is commonly distributed equitably between all villagers, in contrast to groundwater irrigation systems where only the wealthier farmers have access to irrigation water. (34) Finally, as discussed above, the socioeconomic benefits provided by tanks extend beyond a source of irrigation water, and economic returns from tanks have been found to more than double when considering multiple uses. (33)

5 Rainwater Harvesting as a Coupled Human and Natural System

One of the most striking attributes of these millennia-old RWH systems is the close coupling that exists between the natural and the human systems. Just as the climate and geomorphology of the region have shaped the creation of these ancient water-delivery systems and the social practices that have grown up around them, the systems themselves have shaped the environment that we see today in South India, where rivers run dry for years at a time, and invasive tree species colonize the tank beds, tapping into reservoirs of shallow groundwater. Such a close coupling of the human and natural systems is intensified by the sheer longevity of these RWH tanks—in some cases they can be said to have existed with greater constancy than some natural ecological communities—making it nearly impossible to separate this network of distributed storage from the natural system in which it is embedded. (59) Accordingly, any consideration of rainwater harvesting as a solution to current problems of groundwater depletion must include an understanding of interacting social, economic, and ecological processes.

Tank systems are affected by an array of forces operating at different geographic and administrative scales, with time lags between cause and effect, feedbacks between effect and cause, failure thresholds, and connections among environmental and human components. These characteristics are emblematic of coupled human and natural systems (CHANS), an emerging interdisciplinary framework for analyzing the dynamics of complex systems. (60, 61) Figure 4 shows a conceptual model of the tank irrigation system that borrows from both the CHANS perspective and the Driving Force-Pressure-State-Impact-Response (DPSIR) framework often applied to environmental assessment and sustainable development. (62-64) The model is bounded by the human and natural driving forces that combine and interact to exert pressure on the tank system. The Driving Forces (e.g., population, well technology, climate, and hydrology) are indirect and entrenched determinants of water sustainability, and are represented by the outer two rings. Pressures are the specific processes produced by combinations of natural and human system drivers, and occupy the next inner ring. The States and Impacts are collectively identified in the innermost ring, while Responses are societal actions intended to remedy impacts, and feed back to driving forces and pressures.

Figure 4

Figure 4. Representation of the coupled natural and human system of south Indian agriculture as a function of both natural and anthropogenic drivers is depicted. The figure demonstrates how the complex web of feedbacks within this system can lead to unintended consequences. Tank restoration increases food security, while concurrently reducing income disparities (since even the poorest farmer has access to tank water), and increasing social equity. From an environmental perspective, tank restoration also can increase local groundwater recharge and thus increase environmental flows. Restoration projects are therefore being heavily promoted in India as a sustainable alternative. Problematically, however, the increased recharge and rising groundwater levels often trigger increased pumping (represented as bidirectional arrows between pumping and GW levels), which coupled with increased surface water depletion by irrigation and greater evaporation losses, can ultimately lead to reductions in environmental flows.

As an example of these dynamics, Figure 4 focuses on the particular pressures of groundwater pumping and tank management. Excessive pumping influences the State of the CHANS attributes (e.g., increases in irrigated area and income, decreases in groundwater levels, and functionality arising from excessive reliance on groundwater extraction). Increased reliance on groundwater pumping also negatively impacts tank management practices, thus exerting additional pressure on the system state, and leading to a series of positive and negative Impacts on the system (e.g., increases in income from increases in irrigated area, well failure from excessive groundwater depletion, reduced environmental flows from reduction in groundwater levels and recharge, and social inequity, as groundwater wells can only be afforded by wealthier farmers). (35) Finally, these Impacts lead to a series of Responses like the engagement of NGOs and government organization in tank rehabilitation to raise income levels of the poorest farmers, as well as to mitigate excessive groundwater depletion. This network of cause and effect, as represented by the arrows in Figure 4, provides merely one example of the complexity of the CHANS system, many other possible connections exist. While analyzing the entire realm of connections is beyond the scope of this feature article, it is necessary to acknowledge that a proper analysis of RWH systems requires consideration of these linkages and feedbacks.

These feedbacks contribute to the existence of thresholds, the notion that systems may fail in an abrupt, nonlinear fashion, which is yet another attribute of CHANS systems. Thresholds are notoriously difficult to identify in advance because sudden collapse may be preceded by a long period of gradual degradation, reducing the perceived urgency to adapt. (65) Steady annual increases in groundwater pumping, and transitions to water-intensive crops (Figure 4) may not be remarkable when considered individually, but operating concurrently these pressures reduce the buffering capacity of the system to external shocks. In the event of a prolonged drought, systematic well failure, or significant bund breach, the agricultural system of a village with a degraded tank is at much greater risk of collapse, with potentially serious long-term impacts to the livelihoods of people and the viability of the community.

6 A Way Forward: Can Rainwater Harvesting Address Problems of Water Scarcity?

Globally, as water use continues to escalate, aquifers are depleted, and more than a third of the population is affected by water scarcity, maintaining a stable water supply is perhaps more important than ever. As RWH is being revived or newly adopted in many areas of the world to address the challenges of limited water availability, (17, 18, 21, 66, 67) we must ask whether these ancient technologies represent a sustainable alternative under modern socioeconomic and environmental pressures. The answer is not simple, and requires understanding and quantifying the socioeconomic and environmental trade-offs associated with these systems. For example, in areas such as Sub-Saharan Africa, where there might be a relative abundance of unallocated water resources, but a lack of economic means to mobilize these resources, the low-cost, community-level water storage provided by RWH can play a valuable role in increasing yields and improving food security for small and marginal farmers. (19) In contrast, in basins for which no extra water resources are available to meet consumptive water demands, the creation of new RWH structures can do little more than change the spatial distribution of water, essentially providing a downstream-to-upstream water transfer. (9) From a socioeconomic perspective, however, even in such "closed" basins, increased use of RWH systems can lead to a more equitable distribution of the water supply, encouraging use of a commons resource instead of groundwater sources, which are generally privately held. (33)

Accordingly, RWH must be considered as just one part of an integrated plan to both maximize water availability and to manage demand. A first step along this path would be an accurate accounting of basin-wide water use by analyzing use, depletion, and water productivity at the basin scale. (68) The benefits and potential of community-scale water management options must then be considered in the context of existing infrastructure as well as planned large-scale interventions. If a revival of RWH is deemed beneficial, it must be carried out concurrently with measures to manage demand, including the elimination of electrical subsidies for groundwater pumping, improvements in irrigation efficiency through drip irrigation, reductions in nonbeneficial evaporation from soil or supply sources, a shift to less water-intensive crops, or irrigating current crops at a deficit. (27)

Based on current trends, it is likely that RWH systems, both old and new, will play a role in addressing the challenges of limited water availability. (12, 20) Determining the appropriate bounds of this role, however, will require us to broaden our focus beyond the village scale, where the more tangible social and economic benefits of RWH may be seen, to the basin scale, where most environmental impacts and larger upstream-downstream conflicts are felt. Currently, however, there are limitations in our ability to take such broad considerations into account. Data is lacking to support modeling efforts designed to clarify the regional hydrological impacts of RWH, and further research is necessary to determine optimal numbers of RWH structures within a watershed, rather than relying simply on historical precedence. (47, 55) It is also necessary to look beyond the water balance, and frameworks of analysis must be developed to place consideration of RWH solutions within the context of a coupled human and natural systems approach. One of the central tenets of the emerging science of sociohydrology is to account for the dynamics of interactions between water and people. (69) In the spirit of such an endeavor, only a systems approach, accounting for the coevolutionary dynamics of the coupled human-water system, can allow us a full understanding of the potential for RWH to alter the social and hydrological landscapes of water-stressed areas throughout the world

Author Information

    • Nandita B. Basu - University of Waterloo, Department of Earth & Environmental Sciences, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G1, Canada; University of Waterloo, Department of Civil Engineering, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G1, Canada; Email: [email protected]

    • Kimberly J. Van Meter - University of Waterloo, Department of Earth & Environmental Sciences, Waterloo, Ontario N2L 3G1, Canada

    • Eric Tate - University of Iowa, Department of Geography, Iowa City, Iowa 52242, United States

    • Joseph Wyckoff - University of Iowa, Department of Geography, Iowa City, Iowa 52242, United States

  • The authors declare no competing financial interest.

Biography

Kimberly Van Meter is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Earth & Environmental Sciences at the University of Waterloo, Canada. Her research focuses on water resources sustainability questions in human-dominated systems. Nandita Basu is an Assistant Professor in the Departments of Civil & Environmental Engineering and Earth & Environmental Sciences at the University of Waterloo, Canada. Her research focuses on the modeling of landscape hydrologic and biogeochemical responses in human-impacted systems, with the overall goal of providing innovative solutions to water sustainability challenges. Eric Tate is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Geographical and Sustainability Sciences at the University of Iowa. His research centers on disaster vulnerability and sustainability indicators. Joseph Wyckoff is an undergraduate student at the University of Iowa, with interests in geospatial modeling.

Acknowledgment

This research is financially supported by the U.S. National Science Foundation (1211968), Dynamics of Coupled Natural-Human Systems. We thank the DHAN Foundation for generously sharing their experiences, data, and hospitality.

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    Groundwater is a primary source of fresh water in many parts of the world. Some regions are becoming overly dependent on it, consuming groundwater faster than it is naturally replenished and causing water tables to decline unremittingly. Indirect evidence suggests that this is the case in northwest India, but there has been no regional assessment of the rate of groundwater depletion. Here we use terrestrial water storage-change observations from the NASA Gravity Recovery and Climate Expt. satellites and simulated soil-water variations from a data-integrating hydrol. modeling system to show that groundwater is being depleted at a mean rate of 4.0 ± 1.0 cm yr-1 equiv height of water (17.7 ± 4.5 km3 yr-1) over the Indian states of Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana (including Delhi). During our study period of August 2002 to Oct. 2008, groundwater depletion was equiv. to a net loss of 109 km3 of water, which is double the capacity of India's largest surface-water reservoir. Annual rainfall was close to normal throughout the period and we demonstrate that the other terrestrial water storage components (soil moisture, surface waters, snow, glaciers and biomass) did not contribute significantly to the obsd. decline in total water levels. Although our observational record is brief, the available evidence suggests that unsustainable consumption of groundwater for irrigation and other anthropogenic uses is likely to be the cause. If measures are not taken soon to ensure sustainable groundwater usage, the consequences for the 114,000,000 residents of the region may include a redn. of agricultural output and shortages of potable water, leading to extensive socioeconomic stresses.

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  • Figures
  • References

  • Abstract

    Figure 1

    Figure 1. Components of rainwater harvesting systems in Tamil Nadu: (A) tank sluice at low water levels; (B) irrigated fields in tank command area; (C) open well in tank command area with electric pump set; (D) community well next to large tank at high water levels; (E) statues of Hindu deities on tank bund, protecting the tank; (F) goats grazing near dead storage area of tank; (H) tank systems, as seen via the remote sensing image, are ubiquitous throughout the state.

    Figure 2

    Figure 2. Major elements of a typical tank irrigation system are shown, note the horseshoe shape of the bund and the water pooling behind it.

    Figure 3

    Figure 3. Groundwater withdrawals are shown as a percentage of recharge (a) across India (based on state-level estimates from the Indian Ministry of Water Resources) (43) and (b) in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu (based on (district-level estimates from the Tamil Nadu Central Ground Water Board). (44) Figure 1 (c) shows the percentages of land irrigated by tanks and wells in relation to the total irrigated area, (3, 4) with canals and rivers accounting as additional irrigation sources. Note that the high levels of depletion within the state are a result of the expansion of well irrigation, at the expense of traditional tank systems over the last 50 years.

    Figure 4

    Figure 4. Representation of the coupled natural and human system of south Indian agriculture as a function of both natural and anthropogenic drivers is depicted. The figure demonstrates how the complex web of feedbacks within this system can lead to unintended consequences. Tank restoration increases food security, while concurrently reducing income disparities (since even the poorest farmer has access to tank water), and increasing social equity. From an environmental perspective, tank restoration also can increase local groundwater recharge and thus increase environmental flows. Restoration projects are therefore being heavily promoted in India as a sustainable alternative. Problematically, however, the increased recharge and rising groundwater levels often trigger increased pumping (represented as bidirectional arrows between pumping and GW levels), which coupled with increased surface water depletion by irrigation and greater evaporation losses, can ultimately lead to reductions in environmental flows.

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      Although considerable achievements in the global reduction of hunger and poverty have been made, progress in Africa so far has been very limited. At present, a third of the African population faces widespread hunger and chronic malnutrition and is exposed to a constant threat of acute food crisis and famine. The most affected are rural households whose livelihood is heavily dependent on traditional rainfed agriculture. Rainfall plays a major role in determining agricultural production and hence the economic and social well being of rural communities. The rainfall pattern in sub-Saharan Africa is influenced by large-scale intra-seasonal and inter-annual climate variability including occasional El Nino events in the tropical Pacific resulting in frequent extreme weather event such as droughts and floods that reduce agricultural outputs resulting in severe food shortages. Households and communities facing acute food shortages are forced to adopt coping strategies to meet the immediate food requirements of their families. These extreme responses may have adverse long-term, impacts on households' ability to have sustainable access to food as well as the environment. The HIV/AIDS crisis has also had adverse impacts on food production activities on the continent. In the absence of safety nets and appropriate financial support mechanisms, humanitarian aid is required to enable households effectively cope with emergencies and manage their limited resources more efficiently. Timely and appropriate humanitarian aid will provide households with opportunities to engage in productive and sustainable livelihood strategies. Investments in poverty reduction efforts would have better impact if complemented with timely and predictable response mechanisms that would ensure the protection of livelihoods during crisis periods whether weather or conflict-related. With an improved understanding of climate variability including El Nino, the implications of weather patterns for the food security and vulnerability of rural communities have become more predictable and can be monitored effectively. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how current advances in the understanding of climate variability, weather patterns and food security could contribute to improved humanitarian decision-making. The paper will propose new approaches for triggering humanitarian responses to weather-induced food crises.

      https://chemport.cas.org/services/resolver?origin=ACS&resolution=options&coi=1%3ACAS%3A280%3ADC%252BD28%252FksVCksQ%253D%253D&md5=f2be5943986063006276184703c41970

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      Kumar, M. D. ; Patel, A. ; Ravindranath, R. ; Singh, O. P. Chasing a mirage: Water harvesting and artificial recharge in naturally water-scarce regions Econ. Polit. Wkly. 2008 , 43 , 61 – 71

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      Shah, T. India's master plan for groundwater recharge: An assessment and some suggestions for revision Econ. Polit. Wkly 2008 , 43 , 41 – 49

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      Kahinda, J. M. ; Lillie, E. S. B. ; Taigbenu, A. E. ; Taute, M. ; Boroto, R. J. Developing suitability maps for rainwater harvesting in South Africa Phys. Chem. Earth, A, B, C 2008 , 33 , 788 – 799

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      Groundwater is a primary source of fresh water in many parts of the world. Some regions are becoming overly dependent on it, consuming groundwater faster than it is naturally replenished and causing water tables to decline unremittingly. Indirect evidence suggests that this is the case in northwest India, but there has been no regional assessment of the rate of groundwater depletion. Here we use terrestrial water storage-change observations from the NASA Gravity Recovery and Climate Expt. satellites and simulated soil-water variations from a data-integrating hydrol. modeling system to show that groundwater is being depleted at a mean rate of 4.0 ± 1.0 cm yr-1 equiv height of water (17.7 ± 4.5 km3 yr-1) over the Indian states of Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana (including Delhi). During our study period of August 2002 to Oct. 2008, groundwater depletion was equiv. to a net loss of 109 km3 of water, which is double the capacity of India's largest surface-water reservoir. Annual rainfall was close to normal throughout the period and we demonstrate that the other terrestrial water storage components (soil moisture, surface waters, snow, glaciers and biomass) did not contribute significantly to the obsd. decline in total water levels. Although our observational record is brief, the available evidence suggests that unsustainable consumption of groundwater for irrigation and other anthropogenic uses is likely to be the cause. If measures are not taken soon to ensure sustainable groundwater usage, the consequences for the 114,000,000 residents of the region may include a redn. of agricultural output and shortages of potable water, leading to extensive socioeconomic stresses.

      https://chemport.cas.org/services/resolver?origin=ACS&resolution=options&coi=1%3ACAS%3A528%3ADC%252BD1MXpsleqs78%253D&md5=eac01d4abfe8c6b8f9cb3ad38accb209

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      Water conservation in irrigation can increase water use

      Ward, Frank A.; Pulido-Velazquez, Manuel

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      Climate change, water supply limits, and continued population growth have intensified the search for measures to conserve water in irrigated agriculture, the world's largest water user. Policy measures that encourage adoption of water-conserving irrigation technologies are widely believed to make more water available for cities and the environment. However, little integrated anal. has been conducted to test this hypothesis. This article presents results of an integrated basin-scale anal. linking biophys., hydrol., agronomic, economic, policy, and institutional dimensions of the Upper Rio Grande Basin of North America. It analyzes a series of water conservation policies for their effect on water used in irrigation and on water conserved. In contrast to widely-held beliefs, our results show that water conservation subsidies are unlikely to reduce water use under conditions that occur in many river basins. Adoption of more efficient irrigation technologies reduces valuable return flows and limits aquifer recharge. Policies aimed at reducing water applications can actually increase water depletions. Achieving real water savings requires designing institutional, tech., and accounting measures that accurately track and economically reward reduced water depletions. Conservation programs that target reduced water diversions or applications provide no guarantee of saving water.

      https://chemport.cas.org/services/resolver?origin=ACS&resolution=options&coi=1%3ACAS%3A528%3ADC%252BD1cXhsVyhsrzJ&md5=e390672051a8e0d8210d7e093e587e1e

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Source: https://pubs.acs.org/doi/10.1021/es4040182

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